Beware of sub-plots underpinning Hazara opposition.
By Jan Assakzai
Though the historic 18th Amendment including the renaming of Khyber-Pakhtoonkhwa was passed by the parliament, the preceding Hazara's division's violent opposition, which claimed at least 7 unfortunate lives, to the identity of Pakhtuns shocked many. Hazara opposition was fuelled by PML (Q) which came out as the champion for their rights and opposed Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa vehemently. PML (N) had second thoughts on Khyber-Pakhtoonkhwa adopting the attitude of " we told you so". Right-wing- ideologues raised their voices vociferously saying that violence has vindicated their stand: Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa is part of "secessionist" agenda of anti-federation and anti-Pakistan forces hence needed blocking. As far the Hazara community is concerned, it has, inadvertently, fallend prey to the shenanigans of anti-Pakhtun lobby by opposing Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa. Why? let us examine the sub-plots behind its opposition.
Hazara community has, by and large, been led by predominately Punjab-based political parties like PML(N) and PML (Q). Starting with PML (N), it's leadership wavered on its support for Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa following the violence in Hazara division, saying that party was open to reviewing the name. But PML(N) added an ironic twist by this assertion, since it was, in the first place, PML(N), that suggested addition of word "Khyber" with hyphen to word Pakhtunkhwa. Earlier, when PML(N) capitulated to the name Pakhtunkhwa, it was involved in point scoring to send Hazara division a message that it was listening. What were its motivation? First was its' vote bank. Why because : the Hazara division has total 7 NA seats. In 2008 general elections, PML(N) won 4 out of 7. It won both NA seats from important city of Abbotabad; it won one from Haripur, it also won one from Mansehra. Hence the outcry of PML (N) was part of political point scoring. Secondly, PML(N)'s supermo Nawas Sharif oftnely pretends to act like a statesman, is on the horns of dilemma: he draws much of his support form Punjab which dominates Pakistan's all important institutions including army, hence being a politician he is beholded and so reluctantly accedes to the rights of Pakhtuns and other minorities, be that identity issue of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa or decentralisation of powers. Therefore, Mian Nawas Sharif's "Superb statemanship": was on display in form of U truns.
PML (Q) has two obvious motive in supporting Hazara oppoisition: one is also Hazara division being its vote bank. In 2008 general elections, PML(Q) won 3 out of 7; second is-which was more at the heart of its campaign against Khyber-Pakhtoonkhwa-is its political brief and mindset. It has preferred to serve as the B-team of establishment; most of its top, middle and regional leadership was created with the help of agencies. PML(Q) being the by- product of dictatorship is finding itself hard to rehabilitate in a democratic era that ushered in following the resignation of Gen. Pervez Musharaf, its mentor and protege. This is why it was involved in anti-Pakhtunkhwa lobbying from the start when Khybery-Pakhtoonkwa was being negotiated. So their support for Hazara cause is more a case of "Bughaz-i- Maavia" ( Hatred for Mavia) than "Muhhabat-i-Ali" (Love for Ali) and it fit well within their agenda to provoke anti-Khyber Pakhtunkhwa opposition among the Hazaras.
However, PML(Q) is the political extension of the right wing ideologues of the country, who in practice provide all sort of ideological justifications for Pakistan's over-centralised federal structure. They were on the forefront in spurring the sentiments of people of Hazara. Their activism was in the top gear since the Constitutional Committee adopted consensus on Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa. They believe that they are the true inheritors of the Mughal throne in Delhi and they are here to save Pakistan from "secessionists" ( for them, read nationalist) forces. They began their smear campaign since partition. They do not have political country and are without political party, but support the right wingers like PML(N) and JI, besides, PML(Q). They loath any idea of decentralisation, and devolution of powers to smaller nationalities like Pakhtuns, Balochs Sindhis and Siriakis.
What these idealogues fail to understand is that Pakistan is a reality which the skeptics of partition cannot simply wish away. Pakhtuns are just asking for provincial autonomy , a consolidated Pakhtun province and their legal rights within Pakistan. Pakistani identity is a dynamic paradigm. They,however, have a vested agenda which practically means : to keep the present political dispensation with the numerical superiority of one province dominating the country's all major institutions excluding others. They have certainly no love lost for people of Hazara region.
As far the Hazara community, the ramifications of violence and subsequent unfortunate loss of lives- being very much regrettable- are not to be overlooked for Hazara-Pakhtun harmony. The saner elements of Hazara community need to bear in mind this: Hazara community and Pakhtuns in NWFP have harmonious community relations. Both communities are so integrated that considerable number of Hazara speaking peoople and Pakhtuns are bilingual. Many Pakhtuns, for example Mashwanis, Tareens, Swatis, Tahirkhelis, Tanolis, Dilazaks, Jadoons, Alizai, Khattak, Barakzai, Kakar, Umerzai, and Yousafzai who settled in Districts like Abbotabad, Haripur and Mansehra, adopted Hindko as their first language and had gained political power in these areas during the British rule and also because of many ethnic Pakhtoon people who speak Hindko as their first language in Peshawar and Kohat. It is important to mention that Awan tribe of this region is somewhat similar with other Pakhtoon tribes of area because it also came from Arabia through Afghanistan and settled in such territories of Pakhtoon belt and have equal characteristics, (source: British Encyclopedia).
The Hindko speaking people living in major cities like Peshawar, Kohat, Nowshera, and chhachh area of Attock are bilingual in Pakhto and Hindko. Similarly, many Pakhto speaking people of districts like Mansehra especially in Agror Valley and northern Tanawal (Shergarh), have become bilingual in Pakhto and Hindko. In most Hindko-speaking areas, speakers of Pakhto live in the same or neighbouring communities (although this is less true in Abbottabad and Kaghan Valley than elsewhere). In the mixed areas, many people speak both languages.
However, on the renaming of NWFP as Khyber-Pakhtoonkwah, the anti Pakhtoon lobby is active and trying to drive a wedge between the two communities. Whatever the grievances of the community, It is hard to imagine that giving identity to Pakhtuns should offend Hazara community. If it is their genuine concern, how could they be so resentful. Notwithstanding, they need to sit with ANP-led government and seek a formula in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa province if they, for example, fear any discrimination. On its part, the ANP leadership needs to reach out to Hazara people and strive hard address their legitmate concerns. Nevertheless, the recent violence and division over the renaming of NWFP as Khyber-Pakhtunkhawa was actually the fallout of the tussle between PML(Q) and PML (N) on vote-bank and has nothing to do with their problems.
The political leadership of Hazara knows that due to large-hearted support of Pakhtuns, chief minister slot of Khyber-Paskhtunkhwa went three times to Hazara division despite they being nearly 18 percent of the province' population (Even this percentage migh have been reduced If the census form were to contain the questionnaire based on ethnicity- as in the developed countries like UK , the US and Cannada, instead of language; for example, the ex Foreign Minister Gohar Ayub would have to say he was ethnically a Pakhun no matter whether he spople Hindko, hence swelling Pakhun population further.)
Hazaras have been the major beneficiary through out Pakistan's over 60 years history when genuine Pakhtun political forces of the province were forced out in the cold by the establishment under the pretext of containing "secessionist movement". In democracy, consensus means not 100 percent agreement. As far as Hazara province (though it is not the scope of this article) Pakhtuns will not be prepared for further divisions of their areas. At a time when Pakhtuns were celebrating the undoing of historic injustice-misnomer of their identity at the hand of British and then Punjabi dominated establishment- such over reaction was uncalled for.
Khyber-Pakhtunkwa is not mere a name of a province.It is the embodiment of Pakhtuns' centuries long quest for their identity.Any issue related to the rights of a minority, ought not be linked with Pakhtun's larger identity.
(Courtesy: Frontier Post, April 16, 2010)
janassakzai200@gmail.com
Though the historic 18th Amendment including the renaming of Khyber-Pakhtoonkhwa was passed by the parliament, the preceding Hazara's division's violent opposition, which claimed at least 7 unfortunate lives, to the identity of Pakhtuns shocked many. Hazara opposition was fuelled by PML (Q) which came out as the champion for their rights and opposed Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa vehemently. PML (N) had second thoughts on Khyber-Pakhtoonkhwa adopting the attitude of " we told you so". Right-wing- ideologues raised their voices vociferously saying that violence has vindicated their stand: Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa is part of "secessionist" agenda of anti-federation and anti-Pakistan forces hence needed blocking. As far the Hazara community is concerned, it has, inadvertently, fallend prey to the shenanigans of anti-Pakhtun lobby by opposing Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa. Why? let us examine the sub-plots behind its opposition.
Hazara community has, by and large, been led by predominately Punjab-based political parties like PML(N) and PML (Q). Starting with PML (N), it's leadership wavered on its support for Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa following the violence in Hazara division, saying that party was open to reviewing the name. But PML(N) added an ironic twist by this assertion, since it was, in the first place, PML(N), that suggested addition of word "Khyber" with hyphen to word Pakhtunkhwa. Earlier, when PML(N) capitulated to the name Pakhtunkhwa, it was involved in point scoring to send Hazara division a message that it was listening. What were its motivation? First was its' vote bank. Why because : the Hazara division has total 7 NA seats. In 2008 general elections, PML(N) won 4 out of 7. It won both NA seats from important city of Abbotabad; it won one from Haripur, it also won one from Mansehra. Hence the outcry of PML (N) was part of political point scoring. Secondly, PML(N)'s supermo Nawas Sharif oftnely pretends to act like a statesman, is on the horns of dilemma: he draws much of his support form Punjab which dominates Pakistan's all important institutions including army, hence being a politician he is beholded and so reluctantly accedes to the rights of Pakhtuns and other minorities, be that identity issue of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa or decentralisation of powers. Therefore, Mian Nawas Sharif's "Superb statemanship": was on display in form of U truns.
PML (Q) has two obvious motive in supporting Hazara oppoisition: one is also Hazara division being its vote bank. In 2008 general elections, PML(Q) won 3 out of 7; second is-which was more at the heart of its campaign against Khyber-Pakhtoonkhwa-is its political brief and mindset. It has preferred to serve as the B-team of establishment; most of its top, middle and regional leadership was created with the help of agencies. PML(Q) being the by- product of dictatorship is finding itself hard to rehabilitate in a democratic era that ushered in following the resignation of Gen. Pervez Musharaf, its mentor and protege. This is why it was involved in anti-Pakhtunkhwa lobbying from the start when Khybery-Pakhtoonkwa was being negotiated. So their support for Hazara cause is more a case of "Bughaz-i- Maavia" ( Hatred for Mavia) than "Muhhabat-i-Ali" (Love for Ali) and it fit well within their agenda to provoke anti-Khyber Pakhtunkhwa opposition among the Hazaras.
However, PML(Q) is the political extension of the right wing ideologues of the country, who in practice provide all sort of ideological justifications for Pakistan's over-centralised federal structure. They were on the forefront in spurring the sentiments of people of Hazara. Their activism was in the top gear since the Constitutional Committee adopted consensus on Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa. They believe that they are the true inheritors of the Mughal throne in Delhi and they are here to save Pakistan from "secessionists" ( for them, read nationalist) forces. They began their smear campaign since partition. They do not have political country and are without political party, but support the right wingers like PML(N) and JI, besides, PML(Q). They loath any idea of decentralisation, and devolution of powers to smaller nationalities like Pakhtuns, Balochs Sindhis and Siriakis.
What these idealogues fail to understand is that Pakistan is a reality which the skeptics of partition cannot simply wish away. Pakhtuns are just asking for provincial autonomy , a consolidated Pakhtun province and their legal rights within Pakistan. Pakistani identity is a dynamic paradigm. They,however, have a vested agenda which practically means : to keep the present political dispensation with the numerical superiority of one province dominating the country's all major institutions excluding others. They have certainly no love lost for people of Hazara region.
As far the Hazara community, the ramifications of violence and subsequent unfortunate loss of lives- being very much regrettable- are not to be overlooked for Hazara-Pakhtun harmony. The saner elements of Hazara community need to bear in mind this: Hazara community and Pakhtuns in NWFP have harmonious community relations. Both communities are so integrated that considerable number of Hazara speaking peoople and Pakhtuns are bilingual. Many Pakhtuns, for example Mashwanis, Tareens, Swatis, Tahirkhelis, Tanolis, Dilazaks, Jadoons, Alizai, Khattak, Barakzai, Kakar, Umerzai, and Yousafzai who settled in Districts like Abbotabad, Haripur and Mansehra, adopted Hindko as their first language and had gained political power in these areas during the British rule and also because of many ethnic Pakhtoon people who speak Hindko as their first language in Peshawar and Kohat. It is important to mention that Awan tribe of this region is somewhat similar with other Pakhtoon tribes of area because it also came from Arabia through Afghanistan and settled in such territories of Pakhtoon belt and have equal characteristics, (source: British Encyclopedia).
The Hindko speaking people living in major cities like Peshawar, Kohat, Nowshera, and chhachh area of Attock are bilingual in Pakhto and Hindko. Similarly, many Pakhto speaking people of districts like Mansehra especially in Agror Valley and northern Tanawal (Shergarh), have become bilingual in Pakhto and Hindko. In most Hindko-speaking areas, speakers of Pakhto live in the same or neighbouring communities (although this is less true in Abbottabad and Kaghan Valley than elsewhere). In the mixed areas, many people speak both languages.
However, on the renaming of NWFP as Khyber-Pakhtoonkwah, the anti Pakhtoon lobby is active and trying to drive a wedge between the two communities. Whatever the grievances of the community, It is hard to imagine that giving identity to Pakhtuns should offend Hazara community. If it is their genuine concern, how could they be so resentful. Notwithstanding, they need to sit with ANP-led government and seek a formula in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa province if they, for example, fear any discrimination. On its part, the ANP leadership needs to reach out to Hazara people and strive hard address their legitmate concerns. Nevertheless, the recent violence and division over the renaming of NWFP as Khyber-Pakhtunkhawa was actually the fallout of the tussle between PML(Q) and PML (N) on vote-bank and has nothing to do with their problems.
The political leadership of Hazara knows that due to large-hearted support of Pakhtuns, chief minister slot of Khyber-Paskhtunkhwa went three times to Hazara division despite they being nearly 18 percent of the province' population (Even this percentage migh have been reduced If the census form were to contain the questionnaire based on ethnicity- as in the developed countries like UK , the US and Cannada, instead of language; for example, the ex Foreign Minister Gohar Ayub would have to say he was ethnically a Pakhun no matter whether he spople Hindko, hence swelling Pakhun population further.)
Hazaras have been the major beneficiary through out Pakistan's over 60 years history when genuine Pakhtun political forces of the province were forced out in the cold by the establishment under the pretext of containing "secessionist movement". In democracy, consensus means not 100 percent agreement. As far as Hazara province (though it is not the scope of this article) Pakhtuns will not be prepared for further divisions of their areas. At a time when Pakhtuns were celebrating the undoing of historic injustice-misnomer of their identity at the hand of British and then Punjabi dominated establishment- such over reaction was uncalled for.
Khyber-Pakhtunkwa is not mere a name of a province.It is the embodiment of Pakhtuns' centuries long quest for their identity.Any issue related to the rights of a minority, ought not be linked with Pakhtun's larger identity.
(Courtesy: Frontier Post, April 16, 2010)
janassakzai200@gmail.com
Comments